Reading Guide: Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations

Copyright © 1996 R.J. Kilcullen


To use this reading guide you will need to have before you either the course Readings book or Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations, ed. R.H. Campbell, A.S. Skinner and W.B. Todd (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976).

Related pages
Week 2: Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations
Free Enterprise

Introduction

"Wealth" means "well-being"; Smith's book is in fact about material well-being. The Wealth of Nations is an influential statement of the case for laissez-faire, the thesis that government should not attempt to control or direct economic activity. His arguments are in terms of both economic efficiency and justice. (Keep an eye out for his references to justice and rights.) As you read these extracts ask what functions he thinks governments do and do not have, and why.

The Wealth of Nations is also a philosophy of history. Smith distinguishes several stages of social development culminating in "commercial civilisation", a state of considerable and growing national "wealth" (well-being). The wealth of a nation consists in the well-being of the mass of ordinary citizens: in commercial nations wealth is well-diffused, according to Smith. However, he does not see everything in commercial civilisation in rose colour: keep an eye out for his critical comments. The underlying cause of the development of human society from the hunting to the commercial stage is one of the "propensities" of human nature, the propensity to "truck" (exchange). This leads to division of labour, which leads to increased productivity. The best contribution governments can make to the wealth of nations and to the progress of human society is to leave individuals free to follow their natural propensity to make exchanges.

The edition used in the Readings is edited by R.H. Campbell, A.S. Skinner and W.B. Todd, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1976.

READ INTRODUCTION, paras. 1-5, pp. 10-11

In paragraph 3, "those who are not so employed" (in useful labour) means not the unemployed in the modern sense but the higher social classes, who don't work, but "many of whom" (according. to the last sentence of paragraph 4) "consume the produce of 10 times, frequently of 100 times, more labour" than those who do work. How did it come about that modern nations are wealthy enough to support such a higher class? How is it that the productivity of those who do labour is so great that they can carry such a burden? Note the heading for book I: "Of the Causes of Improvement in the productive Powers of Labour [of those who work] and of the Order according to which its produce is naturally distributed among the differnt Ranks of the people [the labourers, the higher ranks, etc.]".

Causes of increased productivity

READ Chapter I pp. 13-15 and 21-2, paragraphs 1-3 and 9-10
Comments
Most people these days would probably say that advances in productivity have been due to the introduction of machinery and other technology, deriving from advances in science. Adam Smith's answer is different: advances are due to increased specialisation of labour. The work of various kinds of philosophers, scientists and engineers are examples of this division of labour. More basic than technology is the division of labour which enables technology itself to develop and progress. So specialisation is the key to human material well-being.

READ Chapter II I.ii, pp. 25-30

Comments
The division of labour is here traced back to a "propensity to truck" and also to self-love. "This division of labour... is not originally the effect of any human wisdom": compare TMS (Theory of Moral Sentiments), p.87 "the wisdom of man," "the wisdom of God".

Smith does not suppose that self-love is the same as selfishness or that it is the only or chief motive of human action (cf. Joseph Butler in Raphael, para. 382-6). However, in The Wealth of Nations he analyses those social phenomena that do arise from self-love.

In paragraph 2 he claims that the propensity to truck is found in no animal except man. This claim is not essential to his analysis of human economic behaviour, which will still stand even if other animals do engage in barter.

paragraph 5. "brought into a common stock"; the market is a form of cooperation, a way of sharing individual talents.

READ I.iii, 1-4, pp. 30-34

Comments
Standard of living depends on the productivity of labour, which depends on the division or specialisation of labour; and that depends on the extent of the market, which (initially) depends on safe water-transport. Geography is an important factor in economic history.

Value and Price

READ I.v.1-7, pp. 47-50
Comments
This is a classic statement of the "labour theory of value"; that the real value of a thing traded in a market is in proportion to the amount of labour required to produce it and bring it to market.

Notice in paragraph 4 the references to time, difficulty and skill as dimensions of quantity of labour. Paragraphs 5-7 on money (not printed paper, but a commodity, gold or silver, distinguished from other commodities simply by the fact that almost any other commodity could at almost any time be exchanged for gold or silver). Money is used as a measure of value, but fundamentally the measure of value is the labour put into making the thing and bringing it to market.

READ I.vi.1-10, pp. 65-68

Comments
This chapter complicates the theory of relative prices: not only labour, but also stock (real capital--tools, raw materials, goods awaiting sale, etc.) and land are required for production, and the capitalist, landlord, and labourer share the price.

paragraphs 1-4 relate to the "hunter" stage of social history. In that stage "the whole produce of labour belongs to the labourer"--the hunter's catch belongs wholly to him.

paragraphs 5-7 relate to a stage in which capital stock (e.g. tools) is needed for production.

paragraph 8 relates to the stage at which land has become private property. Rent is the payment for a licence to use land.

Paragraph 9 reasserts the labour theory of value after what might have seemed, and perhas is, a retreat from it. Though some of the price goes to capitalist and landlord, the value of their shares is measured by how much labour they can buy with it. Value is measured after all not by how much labour is required to produce the thing and bring it to market, but how much labour can be bought with it.

READ I.vii.1-16, pp. 72-75

Comments
Notice the distinction between "natural" and "market" price. Market price, which fluctuates from day to day, is set by fluctuating supply and demand, the natural price is the price at which supply and demand would be in long-term equilibrium (paragraph 15).

Notice "effectual" demand, paragraph 8--the demand of those who have the means and the will to pay the natural price. A destitute person dying of starvation has no effectual demand for food, because they can't pay for it.

Wages

READ I.viii.5-13, pp. 82-85
Comments
"Combinations" of workmen, i.e. trade unions, were illegal.

paragraph 13, "pretenses:" in 18th century English "pretense" meant "something put forward", a "claim", usually with no implication of falsity.

READ I. viii, 14-15, pp. 85-6

Comments
Does the self-interest of the individual employer cause him to conserve human resources? Or, on the contrary, do the requirements of survival in competition with other firms drive employers to deplete human resources (as they do other resources)? "It seems impossible to reduce, for any considerable time" etc., because the race of labourers will die out.

READ I.viii.16-18, 21, 22, pp. 86-7.

Comments
Wages are highest while the economy is "progressive" or growing.

READ I.24, p. 89

Comments
The "stationary state" is bad for labourers. The regressive state is worse.

READ I.viii.36,39,40, pp. 96-98

Comments
paragraph 39: Cf. Malthus and Darwin (later)

paragraph 40: "The demand for men... regulates the production of men", by way of variations in infant mortality due to variations in wages--not because parents produce children for sale!

READ I.viii,44-5, pp. 99-101

Comments
paragraph 44: "Paid by the piece", i.e. "piece-work" paid by the number of items produced.

paragraph 45: "it is pretended", i.e. "claimed".

Reasons for Difference in Wages

READ I.x.a.1-3, p. 116
Comments
Note the distinction between "the whole of the advantages and disadvantages" (para. 1), on the one hand, and "pecuniary wages and profit" (para. 2) on the other. Smith does not claim that money wages and returns tend to equality in all employments.

"The policy of Europe"; government policies followed in most European countries in his time.

READ I.x.b.1, 6, 15, pp. 116-7, 118, 121-2.
I.x.b.39-40, p. 131
I.x.c.1-5, 12, pp. 135-6, 138.

Comments
"The property which every man has in his own labour" (para. 12): Cf. Locke.

The second effect of "the policy of Europe" is to overstock some professions and drive down wages in those professions by educating aspirants at public expense. Thus scholarships etc. to encourage the education of the clergy result in low pay for clergymen, and also for writers and teachers.

The usual reward of the eminent teacher bears no proportion to that of the lawyer or physician; because the trade of the one is crowded with indigent people who have been brought up to it at the public expense; whereas those of the other two are encumbered with very few who have not been educated at their own. (Paragraph 38, p. 149.)
(These days education in law and medicine is subsidised, but the length of courses reduces competition among graduates. Even so these professions are said to be over-stocked.)

READ I.x.c.41-43,45,59, pp. 151-152, 157.

Comments
"Settlement", paragraph 45: Support for the poor was the responsibility of the parish (a unit of local government); parishes did not allow poor workmen to come in from other parishes in case they might need support from parish rates. The law of settlement gave local government the right to deny residence to poor people from elsewhere.

Rent

READ I.xi.a.2,5,6,8, pp. 160-2.
I.xi.p, pp. 264-7.
Comments
Of the three great orders of society--landlords, workmen, capitalists (employers, dealers)--the first two have an interest identical with that of "society" (of which workmen are the most numerous part), but are likely to be too ignorant to further it, the third have an interest contrary to that of society and know how to further it. (What is "the general interest of society"? Is it to attain full economic development, or to grow?) On dealers: "People of the same trade seldom meet together, even for merriment and diversion, but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the public, or in some contrivance to raise prices"; I.x.c.27, p. 145. "Whenever the legislature attempts to regulate the differences between masters and their workmen, its counsellors are always the masters"; I.x.c.61, p. 157. Cf. I.viii.13, p. 84. The capitalists are in a conspiracy against landlords and workmen, against society at large. Smith was not the simple optimist about "commercial society" that he is sometimes supposed to have been.

Stock

READ II Introduction, 1-4, pp. 276-7.
Comments
Accumulation of capital is necessary for (and leads to further) division of labour and increased productivity. Anything that retards accumulation of capital, e.g. by reducing returns on capital, retards division of labour and thus retards increase in productivity.

The Course of Economic Development in Europe

READ III.i.8-9, p. 380. The natural course of things was not followed. It was "entirely inverted". Book III is an attempt to explain the order of development actually followed.

Summary of III.ii: During the early middle ages great tracts of land were monopolised by great landlords and agriculture was carried on by serfs or oppressed tenants. Neither the military landlords nor the tenants were likely to make much improvement in agriculture: the landlords were not sufficiently involved in it (it was beneath them, and they were busy with their knightly occupations), and the tenants would not make improvements if the benefit would go to the oppressive landlord. This situation began to change when central government (the king) formed an alliance with dwellers in the towns against the great landlords.

READ III.iii. 8,12, p. 401-2, 405.
III.iii.13,15 p. 405, 406, 407.
III iv.1,2,4-5, pp. 411-3.
III.iv.10,13,15,17,18, pp. 418-422.

Comments
In paragraph 10 (p. 418), notice "silent and insensible operation", and in paragraph 17 "not the least intention to serve the public". It pleases Adam Smith to be able to point out the unintended, unnoticed, surprising, and good social effects of things people do for reasons of their own. This illustrates the working of God's providence. Cf. The Theory of Moral Sentiments, pp. 183-5.

The Mercantile System

In Book IV Smith criticises the "mercantile" system of public policy. It was once thought that the wealth of a nation consisted in money (gold and silver). Governments tried to make their countries wealthy by prohibiting export of gold and silver (they had in mind the need to have gold and silver available to buy arms and soldiers in time of war; money could be translated fairly quickly into military power). However, merchants found this inconvenient, because they needed to send gold and silver abroad to pay for what they were importing, and they persuaded governments instead to attend to "the balance of trade" (the relation between imports and exports), claiming that what makes a country rich is to export much and import little, since exports bring money into the country and imports send it out. Hence governments adopted policies favouring exports and hindering imports, encouraging local production ("protectionism" in modern terms). This policy Smith calls the "mercantile" policy because it was advocated by merchants. He will argue that governments should not particularly favour exports or hinder imports and should allow individuals to get on with making money in the way that seems best to them--they know their own business best, and the wealth of the country consists in their wealth.

READ IV.i.19, pp. 439-40.
IV.i.31, p. 446-7.

Protectionism

READ IV.ii.1-5, 7-11, pp. 452-4, 455-457. Notice again in p.456 the idea that individuals benefit the public without intending to, by following their own interest. This is the second of the 3 passages in which Smith refers to the invisible hand (i.e. God's providence). Again, he is interested in the unexpected good social effects of actions done for private gain. Contrast this with Hobbes: Hobbes analyses the bad effects for everyone in the state of nature if individuals do things that are sensible for them as individuals to do.

Export Bounties

READ IV.v.a.3, pp. 505-6. The effect of all the expedients of the mercantile system is to force the trade of a country into a channel much less advantageous for the country than that in which it would naturally run of its own accord, i.e. if individuals sought their own benefit in their own ways.

The Corn Laws

The "corn laws" were designed to regulate trade in food grains, encouraging export of grain from England, preventing import of grain from elsewhere except in times of famine, and imposing various restrictions upon the operations of retailers of grain ("corn merchants"). The ostensible purpose of these laws was to provide for the feeding of the English population by encouraging local grain growers.

READ IV.v.b.3, pp. 524-5.

Comments
The same argument would apply to all goods and services: to petrol during a petrol strike, to house repairs after a storm. Dealers who charge as much as the market will bear perform, without intending it, a public service.

READ IV.v.b.15-16, pp. 530-1.
IV.v.b.25, pp. 533-4.
IV.v.b.39, pp. 538-9.
IV.v.b.43, p. 540.

Comments
Paragraph 16: "Both laws were evident violations of natural liberty and therefore unjust". Note the phrase "natural liberty" and the reference to justice.

Para. 39, "The liberal system of free exportation". "Liberal" here is not a party label, though it soon became one. Libertas in Latin is freedom. "Liberal" means characterised by freedom. In the 19th century the party of free trade came to be called the Liberal Party.

Para. 43, "The revolution": the "Glorious Revolution" of 1688, the revolution Locke defended.

Of Colonies

The American revolution was taking place when Smith was writing. The "mercantile" policy in relation to colonies was to prevent colonists from trading except with the colonising nation, the aim being a self-sufficient empire in which the merchants of the colonising nation would flourish. Smith, in contrast, advocates something like the ancient Greek practices in colonisation:
The mother city, though she considered the colony as a child, at all times entitled to great favour and assistance, and owing in return much gratitude and respect, yet considered it an emancipated child, over whom she pretended to claim no direct authority or jurisdiction. (IV.vii.2, p. 556.)
So Smith was in favour of giving the colonists the right to trade as they saw fit.

READ IV.vii.b.44, p. 582.
IV.vii.c.46-50, pp. 607-609.

Comments
Smith's arguments against monopolies and other interferences with free enterprise are of two kinds. They are

READ IV.vii.c.63-66, pp. 613-617. The contemptuous phrase "a nation of shopkeepers" was later used by Napoleon to express contempt for the British, who then took it up with pride.

The American Revolution

READ IV.vii.c.74, pp. 621-2.
Comment
Smith goes on to suggest that the American colonists be given representation in the British parliament. He envisages with equanimity eventual removal of the capital of the British Empire to America. (The revolt of the American colonies was in progress when Smith was writing his book.)

Injustices to native peoples

READ IV.vii.c.80, pp. 626-7.
Comment
In IV.i.32. p. 448, Smith says; "The savage injustices of the Europeans rendered an event, which ought to have been beneficial to all, ruinous and destructive to several of these unfortunate countries".

The economic case against colonial monopolies

READ IV.viii.c.87-88, pp. 629-30.

This long chapter ends with criticism of the East India Company, paragraphs 101-8, p. 635-41. Compare V.i.e.26-30, pp. 746-755.

He has been criticising the mercantile theory, the policies advocated by merchants. Now we come to a theory favourable to agricultural interests.

The Agricultural System (IV.ix)

This is the theory of the "physiocrats" (the "nature rules" theory) or "Economists", French thinkers of whom the most famous was Francois Quesnay. They held that only agriculture produces genuine wealth and that governments should leave agriculture free of regulation ("laissez faire"), so that the "natural" system of wealth-production can take its course. Smith rejects the thesis that only agriculture produces real wealth but agrees with the physiocrats in opposing government regulation.

The physiocrats did not advocate impeding manufacture, but some governments have done so:

READ IV.ix.48-52, pp. 686-8.

Comments
This is the conclusion of Smith's critique of two other systems of political economy, in favour of his own "system of natural liberty".

Notice Smith's account of the functions of government. In the remaining book (book V) of the Wealth of Nations he goes on to discuss taxation and government expenditure.

Defence

READ V.i.a.1-9,14-18, 39, 41, 42, pp. 689-694, 697-8, 705-707.
Comment
Notice the division of social history into the hunter, shepherd, farmer and commercial stages. Compare I.vi.1-8, pp. 65-67.

Justice

READ V.i.b.1-3,7,12,13,20, pp. 709-712, 715, 719-20.

Smith goes on to consider the best way of financing public works then (V.i.f, p. 758) to the financing of education (he proposes that teachers should get at least part of their pay from fees paid direct to them by pupils, to make teachers more zealous), then (V.i.g, p. 788) to the financing of religious establishments (he quotes Hume, to the affect that ministers should be wholly supported by the state, to make them less zealous; V.i.g.6, p. 791).

READ V.i.f.6-8,14, 46-7, pp. 760-1, 763, 780-1.

Taxation

READ V.ii.b.2-6, pp. 825-7.
V.ii.e.6, p. 842.
V.ii.e.9-11, pp. 843-4.

After many more pages on taxation, Smith comes to the public debt, ending (and it is the end of the Wealth of Nations) with more comments relating to dependencies and colonies: criticism of British colonial policy has been one of the sub-themes of the book.

READ V.iii.89, p. 944.
V.iii.92. pp. 946-7.

Summary

In The Wealth of Nations Adam Smith argues that the progress of human well-being has been due and will continue to be due primarily to free exchange, which makes possible division of labour, and that government cannot hasten this natural process. The chief function of government is to protect freedom of exchange by upholding justice, i.e. property rights.

Questions for Discussion

  1. What is Adam Smith's critique of the mercantile system?
  2. What difference does he see between society in the age of hunters, of shepherds, of commercial civilization?
  3. What colonial policy does he propose?
  4. What is accomplished by the 'invisible hand', and how?
  5. What does Smith say about the rights and interests of the lowest classes?
  6. In what way did Malthus and Ricardo destroy the optimism (if that's a fair description) of Adam Smith's account of social development and make economics the "gloomy science"?

Further Study

In Articles and Chapters, p. 219, there are some lectures on Adam Smith. (The page numbers used in those lectures are to a different edition, by Cannan.)

See also in Articles and Chapters the article by A.S. Skinner, "Adam Smith: An Economic Interpretation of History".

See also the Malthus and Ricardo extracts in Readings, pp. 56, 60. They argued that the increase in population must outstrip food production, and this must increase the share that landlords can exact in rent, so the future for the poor is very bleak. Then in Articles and Chapters, p. 24, see Heilbroner, "The Gloomy Presentiments of Parson Malthus and David Ricardo", and on p. 39 the essay by Bernard Shaw, "Economic".

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